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THE ALDERMASTON MARCH: 50 YEARS OF PROTEST

CHEERS, JEERS AND WINDSWEPT BANNERS | March 21st 2008

Vertigogen/flickr

Fifty years ago, Stephen Hugh-Jones joined the anti-nukes march on Aldermaston, home of the British Atomic Weapons Research Establishment. In the cold and the wet, the 200 trudgers were a cheerful bunch, full of song, conviction and some spare room in a cosy sleeping-bag...

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It was 50 Easters ago: the first Aldermaston march, from central London to that Berkshire village 45 miles away--the home, as it still is, of Britain's Atomic Weapons Research Establishment. The newborn Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament reckoned that Britain should unilaterally abandon its nuclear weapons, and (after some pushing from more radical unilateralists) that those who agreed should march on Aldermaston to make that point. I was one.

We were mostly aged under 25, though not all geopolitical innocents. We were of course denounced as Soviet stooges. Of most of us, that was untrue. Indeed, Britain's tiny and truly stooge Communist Party--what was left of it, after the latest demonstration of Soviet imperialism in Hungary--was leery; both because the Soviet Union was and because, like all hard-left groupuscules, it disliked any mass action not managed by itself.

Not that "mass" was quite the word. As we left Trafalgar Square on Good Friday, amid cheers, a few jeers, windswept banners, drizzling rain and an earnest sense that we were about to change the world, we were perhaps 1,000 marchers. By nightfall, most of the grandees had retreated to their London pads. Maybe 200 of us trudged on.

I was with a contingent from Oxford, most from the student wing of the Labour Party, then in opposition. The party's leadership, unsurprisingly, did not share our views. A few lesser Labour MPs turned up temporarily. One, suspected--and decades later proven--of being an authentic Soviet stooge, tried to turn the march into an anti-American rally. His efforts evinced little but boredom. For most of us, dislike of all and anybody's nuclear weapons and deep contempt for the politics of our elders were enough.

What I remember best of the march, though, was not politics but cheerful friendliness. Put 200 young people of one mind together and whatever the weather--it was mostly vile--they'll have a good time. We talked, we bawled slogans, we sang songs, not all of them solemn: some Troskyites had one making fun of that tendency, and I was not astonished years later to learn that one of my new friends had been slung out of whatever Trot faction it was that he adhered to, for lack of socialist seriousness. One popular song was a modified Christmas carol:

God rest you merry gentlemen, while you are all in bed,
A friendly little H-bomb is cruising overhead.
It's there to kill the Russians when the rest of us are dead,
O-oh tidings of wonder and joy, etc.

Here's Gaitskell and Macmillan [Labour leader and Tory prime minister respectively] say the Russians are deterred.
From bows and arrows to battleships that what we've always heard.
We've had two wars already, now we're heading for a third,
O-oh tidings, etc.

Don't take it when they tell you that there's nothing you can do,
When Moscow is in ashes then London will be too,
And the fall-out from Leningrad will be falling out on you,
O-oh tidings, etc.

And no doubt further verses. The last two that I print here were my work, says I. But I daresay there was more collective input in them than that, and I doubt they ever made the marchers' song-book--yes, there really was one. Great verse they're not. But they expressed well what most of us firmly believed: that there was a very real risk of nuclear war and "mutually assured suicide". And that both major British parties' leaders were much too complacent about it.

In due time, Easter Monday, we reached Aldermaston. We were cold, wet and tired. We'd tramped. We'd shouldered banners billowing like mainsails. We'd slept, or tried to, in schools lent by a kindly local council. Some of us, no doubt--though crowded rooms, hard floors and single sleeping-bags aren't much help in this either--had found other marchers friendly beyond the call of anti-nuclear activism.

As we arrived, I and a tall Nigerian from Cambridge, I think, were carrying the banner of the London University Socialist Society. This was because its till-then stewards, a thin man and a small, jolly, rotund American girl, were worn out. (Whatever it may do for the brain, socialism does not always produce horny-handed banner-bearers.) The grandees rejoined us from their cars, and we were harangued by a loudspeaker van warning us that we'd been misled by the Reds and were a danger to Britain and a shame to ourselves. Wearily, we jeered it.

Had we changed the world? By our standards, no. Prime minister Harold Macmillan was unmoved. Hugh Gaitskell defied Labour's anti-nuclear wing, regardless of how vocal, large--and at the 1960 party conference theoretically triumphant--it had become. And Britain's nuclear weapons remained, as they have ever since. I doubt that without American ones they would ever have deterred a Russian nuclear attack. But I doubt too that dumping them would have saved Britain from one. Fifty world-war-free years later, I've come to accept that mutual assurance of suicide is indeed a quite effective way, albeit not the best one, of ensuring that both sides stay alive.

Yet I think our Aldermaston march and its vastly larger successors, heading in to London, not out, were right, whether or not our demands were mistaken. From about 1958, the risk and horrors of nuclear war were taken much more seriously in Britain (and America) than they had been. The fairly recent development of the rival cold-warriors' H-bombs no doubt played more of a part in that than did a couple hundred leg-weary young anti-nuclear activists. Yet if Britain's unilateralists hadn't shouted for the whole loaf, I wonder if we'd have got the small, but vital, slice of it that we did.

(Stephen Hugh-Jones is a former writer and editor for The Economist, where he wrote the Johnson column from 1992-99. He lives now in West Sussex.)

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The Disarming Truth

Submitted by Visitor (not verified) on March 22, 2008 - 10:23.
Hi! The following editorial and related articles are likely to be of interest: Fifty years ago this Easter the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament was effectively born from demonstrations held outside the Atomic Weapons Research Establishment at Aldermaston, Twenty-five years on from Easter 1958, CND (and similar movements) had risen again, able to mobilise millions onto the streets of capital cities throughout Western Europe in response to a return to cold war US/USSR rhetoric. During the 50 years of CND's history some things have changed: Trident has replaced Polaris and Faslane submarine base has replaced Greenham Common cruise missile base as the focus for protest. Meanwhile the global nuclear stockpile is now double what it was in 1958, and the number of nuclear states has also more than doubled. And it wasn't just the badges with the distinctive CND logo that were recycled from the 60s to the 80s: the same kilogrammes of uranium or plutonium from scrapped and ageing warheads have been thoughtfully reused ten years later in the next generation of killing technology. Despite the laudable aims then – as embodied in their title – the reality of CND is that it has been a front: a cover for the little-known CPPTSRNP (Campaign for Possible Partial, Temporary and Reversible Slowing of the Rate of Nuclear Proliferation). A bit more accurate, if a little clumsy when put on a banner, and hardly a good rallying cry for supporters of course. But CND has, by whatever measure you wish to use, failed. Not through lack of effort of course – no other issue dominated politics throughout the 60s, 70s and 80s. The parties of the World Socialist Movement are unique in opposing all war – not just certain types of war or certain situations. This is based on a recognition that the interests of the working women and men who usually make up the cannon-fodder and collateral damage of war can never be aligned with states and governments. We oppose the monopoly that the global owning class have over ownership of the Earth's productive resources that are the usual spoils of armed conflict. We see little value therefore in pleading with our rulers to continue their capitalist battles, but to request that they use only this or that weapon. In the Socialist Party we were sometimes told by CND supporters that there just wasn't enough time to work for socialism: there were only weeks or months left to stop nuclear annihilation and that objective had to be the priority. Thankfully that prediction proved to not be the case. But it is a common objection to the case for socialism, that there is some immediate more pressing campaign that – with just one final shove – will be won, and only then can we start to look to changing the basis of society. The history of movements to reform one part or another of capitalism has been a history of failure in the main part. We can choose to tinker at the margins or to get to grips with the problem. We can complain about the symptoms, plead with our rulers, or make the decision to address the cause. The history of CND should give us no confidence that reformism is fit for purpose – certainly not with regard to trying to do away with weapons. We predict that unless the war machine that is capitalism is politically challenged by a majority – armed with nothing more or less than an understanding of how it works – then in another 50 years we will still have wars raging round the globe, with ever more sophisticated weaponry. And of course, we will still have CND. The choice is between a world to win and a world to lose. Needless to say, agreement is not expected and feedback welcomed. Yours for a world of free access, Robert Stafford
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Socialismand nukes

Submitted by SH-J (not verified) on March 28, 2008 - 09:22.
Oh dear, oh dear. I don't know what world Mr Stafford.....has spotted the "World Socialist Movement" in--dreamworld, possibly. But in the real one--whatever the fantasies of the endlessly mistaken prophet Karl Marx--socialism is the economic system that can put a man into space but can't put oranges on a market-stall. Or, if you prefer, the political system that for much of the past century ruled a great chunk of the globe from central Germany to the China seas to the great benefit of the apparatchiks, their thugs and their toadies, and the disbenefit, not to add police-state oppression and occasional bouts of imperialist savagery, of everybody else. And let's not pretend that Trotsky, the hero of Kronstadt, would have managed any better. Or for that matter, outside Utopia, kindly William Morris As to capitalism, whatever its faults (exploitation, economic progress, oranges...), among the wars it did not cause in that century one can confidently place the Balkan wars around 1910, World War I, the Greco-Turkish war soon after it, World War II whether in Europe or the Pacific, the Korean war (hail to Kim Il-sung, Our Great Capitalist Leader?), China's long civil war, the Indo-Pakistani wars, the Arab-Israeli ones, the ex-Yugoslav ones... Not one of these wars was fought for capitalist reasons and some of them were to the considerable disadvantage of capitalists in most of the countries concerned. And blame capitalism, if you like, for inventing nuclear weapons, but don't dream that, if they felt the need, socialists wouldn't be equally ready--maybe more so, given that state socialism and unfree public opinion have everywhere gone hand in hand--to use them. SH-J
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